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内蒙古高院对呼格吉勒图案作出再审判决:宣告无罪 |
2014-12-15 |
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2014年12月15日 08:46 来源:新华网
12月15日,内蒙古自治区高级人民法院对呼格吉勒图故意杀人、流氓罪一案作出再审判决,并向申诉人、辩护人、检察机关送达了再审判决书。
该案因呼格吉勒图的父母申诉,内蒙古自治区高级人民法院于11月19日决定启动再审程序,另行组成合议庭并依法进行审理。审理中,合议庭查阅了本案全部卷宗以及相关材料,听取了申诉人、辩护人和检察机关意见,经合议庭评议并提交审判委员会讨论,作出如下判决:一、撤销本院(1996)内刑终字第199号刑事裁定和呼和浩特市中级人民法院(1996)呼刑初字第37号刑事判决,二、原审被告人呼格吉勒图无罪。
1996年4月9日晚19时45分左右,被害人杨某某称要去厕所,从呼和浩特市锡林南路千里香饭店离开,当晚21时15分后被发现因被扼颈窒息死于内蒙古第一毛纺织厂宿舍57栋平房西侧的公共厕所女厕所内。原审被告人呼格吉勒图于当晚与其同事闫峰吃完晚饭分手后,到过该女厕所,此后返回工作单位叫上闫峰到案发女厕所内,看到杨某某担在隔墙上的状态后,呼格吉勒图与闫峰跑到附近治安岗亭报案。
呼和浩特市人民检察院指控被告人呼格吉勒图犯故意杀人罪、流氓罪一案,呼和浩特市中级人民法院于1996年5月17日作出(1996)呼刑初字第37号刑事判决,认定呼格吉勒图犯故意杀人罪,判处死刑,剥夺政治权利终身;犯流氓罪,判处有期徒刑五年,决定执行死刑,剥夺政治权利终身。
宣判后,呼格吉勒图以没有杀人动机,请求从轻处理等为由,提出上诉。内蒙古自治区高级人民法院于1996年6月5日作出(1996)内刑终字第199号刑事裁定,驳回上诉,维持原判,并根据当时有关死刑案件核准程序的规定,核准以故意杀人罪判处呼格吉勒图死刑,剥夺政治权利终身。1996年6月10日呼格吉勒图被执行死刑。
呼格吉勒图的父亲李三仁、母亲尚爱云提出申诉。内蒙古自治区高级人民法院于2014年11月19日作出(2014)内刑监字第00094号再审决定,对本案进行再审。
再审中,申诉人要求尽快公平公正对本案作出判决。辩护人辩称,原判事实不清、证据不足,应宣告呼格吉勒图无罪。内蒙古自治区人民检察院认为,原判认定呼格吉勒图构成故意杀人罪、流氓罪的事实不清,证据不足,应通过再审程序,作出无罪判决。
经审理,内蒙古自治区高级人民法院认为,原审认定呼格吉勒图犯故意杀人罪、流氓罪的事实不清,证据不足,对申诉人的请求予以支持,对辩护人的辩护意见和检察机关的意见予以采纳,判决呼格吉勒图无罪。主要理由是:
一是原审被告人呼格吉勒图供述的犯罪手段与尸体检验报告不符。呼格吉勒图供称从杨某某身后用右手捂杨某某嘴,左手卡其脖子同时向后拖动杨某某两三分钟到隔墙,与“死者后纵隔大面积出血”的尸体检验报告所述伤情不符;呼格吉勒图供称杨某某担在隔墙上,头部悬空的情况下,用左手卡住杨某某脖子十几秒钟,与“杨某某系被扼颈致窒息死亡”的尸体检验报告结论不符;呼格吉勒图供称杨某某担在隔墙上,对杨某某捂嘴时杨某某还有呼吸,也与“杨某某系被扼颈致窒息死亡”的尸体检验报告结论不符。
二是血型鉴定结论不具有排他性。刑事科学技术鉴定证实呼格吉勒图左手拇指指甲缝内附着物检出O型人血,与杨某某的血型相同;物证检验报告证实呼格吉勒图本人血型为A型。但血型鉴定为种类物鉴定,不具有排他性、唯一性,不能证实呼格吉勒图实施了犯罪行为。
三是呼格吉勒图的有罪供述不稳定,且与其他证据存在诸多不吻合之处。呼格吉勒图在公安机关侦查阶段、检察机关审查起诉阶段、法院审理阶段均供认采取了卡脖子、捂嘴等暴力方式强行猥亵杨某某,但又有翻供的情形,其有罪供述并不稳定。呼格吉勒图关于杨某某身高、发型、衣着、口音等内容的供述与其他证据不符,其供称杨某某身高1.60米、1.65米,尸体检验报告证实杨某某身高1.55米;其供称杨某某发型是长发、直发,尸体检验报告证实杨某某系短发、烫发;其供称杨某某未穿外套,尸体检验报告证实杨某某穿着外套;其供称杨某某讲普通话与杨某某讲方言的证人证言不吻合。原判认定的呼格吉勒图犯流氓罪除其供述外,没有其他证据予以证明。
转载自中国新闻网 |
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dibancheng.com 发表评论: ( 2014-12-16 17:01:31 )
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miss 发表评论: ( 2015-1-8 9:41:33 )
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It was only after the partition of Poland that Russia began to play a great part in Europe. To such statesmen as she had then that act of brigandage must have appeared inspired by great political wisdom. The King of Prussia, faithful to the ruling principle of his life, wished simply to aggrandise his dominions at a much smaller cost and at much less risk than he could have done in any other direction; for at that time Poland was perfectly defenceless from a material point of view, and more than ever, perhaps, inclined to put its faith in humanitarian illusions. Morally, the Republic was in a state of ferment and consequent weakness, which so often accompanies the period of social reform. The strength arrayed against her was just then overwhelming; I mean the comparatively honest (because open) strength of armed forces. But, probably from innate inclination towards treachery, Frederick of Prussia selected for himself the part of falsehood and deception. Appearing on the scene in the character of a friend he entered deliberately into a treaty of alliance with the Republic, and then, before the ink was dry, tore it up in brazen defiance of the commonest decency, which must have been extremely gratifying to his natural tastes.
As to Austria, it shed diplomatic tears over the transaction. They cannot be called crocodile tears, insomuch that they were in a measure sincere. They arose from a vivid perception that Austria??s allotted share of the spoil could never compensate her for the accession of strength and territory to the other two Powers. Austria did not really want an extension of territory at the cost of Poland. She could not hope to improve her frontier in that way, and economically she had no need of Galicia, a province whose natural resources were undeveloped and whose salt mines did not arouse her cupidity because she had salt mines of her own. No doubt the democratic complexion of Polish institutions was very distasteful to the conservative monarchy; Austrian statesmen did see at the time that the real danger to the principle of autocracy was in the West, in France, and that all the forces of Central Europe would be needed for its suppression. But the movement towards a partage on the part of Russia and Prussia was too definite to be resisted, and Austria had to follow their lead in the destruction of a State which she would have preferred to preserve as a possible ally against Prussian and Russian ambitions. It may be truly said that the destruction of Poland secured the safety of the French Revolution. For when in 1795 the crime was consummated, the Revolution had turned the corner and was in a state to defend itself against the forces of reaction.
In the second half of the eighteenth century there were two centres of liberal ideas on the continent of Europe: France and Poland. On an impartial survey one may say without exaggeration that then France was relatively every bit as weak as Poland; even, perhaps, more so. But France??s geographical position made her much less vulnerable. She had no powerful neighbours on her frontier; a decayed Spain in the south and a conglomeration of small German Principalities on the east were her happy lot. The only States which dreaded the contamination of the new principles and had enough power to combat it were Prussia, Austria, and Russia, and they had another centre of forbidden ideas to deal with in defenceless Poland, unprotected by nature, and offering an immediate satisfaction to their cupidity. They made their choice, and the untold sufferings of a nation which would not die was the price exacted by fate for the triumph of revolutionary ideals.
Thus even a crime may become a moral agent by the lapse of time and the course of history. Progress leaves its dead by the way, for progress is only a great adventure as its leaders and chiefs know very well in their hearts. It is a march into an undiscovered country; and in such an enterprise the victims do not count. As an emotional outlet for the oratory of freedom it was convenient enough to remember the Crime now and then: the Crime being the murder of a State and the carving of its body into three pieces. There was really nothing to do but to drop a few tears and a few flowers of rhetoric upon the grave. But the spirit of the nation refused to rest therein. It haunted the territories of the Old Republic in the manner of a ghost haunting its ancestral mansion where strangers are making themselves at home; a calumniated, ridiculed, and pooh-pooh??d ghost, and yet never ceasing to inspire a sort of awe, a strange uneasiness, in the hearts of the unlawful possessors. Poland deprived of its independence, of its historical continuity, with its religion and language persecuted and repressed, became a mere geographical expression. And even that, itself, seemed strangely vague, had lost its definite character, was rendered doubtful by the theories and the claims of the spoliators who, by a strange effect of uneasy conscience, while strenuously denying the moral guilt of the transaction, were always trying to throw a veil of high rectitude over the Crime. What was most annoying to their righteousness was the fact that the nation, stabbed to the heart, refused to grow insensible and cold. That persistent and almost uncanny vitality was sometimes very inconvenient to the rest of Europe also. It would intrude its irresistible claim into every problem of European politics, into the theory of European equilibrium, into the question of the Near East, the Italian question, the question of Schleswig-Holstein, and into the doctrine of nationalities. That ghost, not content with making its ancestral halls uncomfortable for the thieves, haunted also the Cabinets of Europe, waved indecently its bloodstained robes in the solemn atmosphere of Council-rooms, where congresses and conferences sit with closed windows. It would not be exorcised by the brutal jeers of Bismarck and the fine railleries of Gorchakov.
As a Polish friend observed to me some years ago: ??Till the year ??48 the Polish problem has been to a certain extent a convenient rallying-point for all manifestations of liberalism. Since that time we have come to be regarded simply as a nuisance. It??s very disagreeable.??
I agreed that it was, and he continued: ??What ## are we to do? We did not create the situation by any outside action of ours. Through all the centuries of its existence Poland has never been a menace to anybody, not even to the Turks, to whom it has been merely an obstacle.??
Nothing could be more true. The spirit of aggressiveness was absolutely foreign to the Polish temperament, to which the preservation of its institutions and its liberties was much more precious than any ideas of conquest. Polish wars were defensive, and they were mostly fought within Poland??s own borders. And that those territories were often invaded was but a misfortune arising from its geographical position. Territorial expansion was never the master-thought of Polish statesmen. The consolidation of the territories of the Serenissime Republic, which made of it a Power of the first rank for a time, was not accomplished by force. It was not the consequence of successful aggression, but of a long and successful defence against the raiding neighbours from the East. The lands of Lithuanian and Ruthenian speech were never conquered by Poland. These peoples were not compelled by a series of exhausting wars to seek safety in annexation. It was not the will of a prince or a political intrigue that brought about the union. Neither was it fear. The slowly-matured view of the economical and social necessities and, before all, the ripening moral sense of the masses were the motives that induced the forty three representatives of Lithuanian and Ruthenian provinces, led by their paramount prince, to enter into a political combination unique in the history of the world, a spontaneous and complete union of sovereign States choosing deliberately the way of peace. Never was strict truth better expressed in a political instrument than in the preamble of the first union Treaty (1413). It begins with the words: ??This union, being the outcome not of hatred, but of love?? ?? words that Poles have not heard addressed to them politically by any nation for the last hundred and fifty years.
This union being an organic, living thing capable of growth and development was, later, modified and confirmed by two other treaties, which guaranteed to all the parties in a just and eternal union all their rights, liberties, and respective institutions. The Polish State offers a singular instance of an extremely liberal administrative federalism which, in its Parliamentary life as well as its international politics, presented a complete unity of feeling and purpose. As an eminent French diplomatist remarked many years ago: ??It is a very remarkable fact in the history of the Polish State, this invariable and unanimous consent of the populations; the more so that, the King being looked upon simply as the chief of the Republic, there was no monarchical bond, no dynastic fidelity to control and guide the sentiment of the nations, and their union remained as a pure affirmation of the national will.?? The Grand Duchy of Lithuania and its Ruthenian Provinces retained their statutes, their own administration, and their own political institutions. That those institutions in the course of time tended to assimilation with the Polish form was not the result of any pressure, but simply of the superior character of Polish civilisation.
Even after Poland lost its independence this alliance and this union remained firm in spirit and fidelity. All the national movements towards liberation were initiated in the name of the whole mass of people inhabiting the limits of the old Republic, and all the Provinces took part in them with complete devotion. It is only in the last generation that efforts have been made to create a tendency towards separation, which would indeed serve no one but Poland??s common enemies. And, strangely enough, it is the internationalists, men who professedly care nothing for race or country, who have set themselves this task of disruption, one can easily see for what sinister purpose. The ways of the internationalists may be dark, but they are not inscrutable.
From the same source no doubt there will flow in the future a poisoned stream of hints of a reconstituted Poland being a danger to the races once so closely associated within the territories of the Old Republic. The old partners in ??the Crime?? are not likely to forgive their victim its inconvenient and almost shocking obstinacy in keeping alive. They had tried moral assassination before and with some small measure of success, for, indeed, the Polish question, like all living reproaches, had become a nuisance. Given the wrong, and the apparent impossibility of righting it without running risks of a serious nature, some moral alleviation may be found in the belief that the victim had brought its misfortunes on its own head by its own sins. That theory, too, had been advanced about Poland (as if other nations had known nothing of sin and folly), and it made some way in the world at different times, simply because good care was taken by the interested parties to stop the mouth of the accused. But it has never carried much conviction to honest minds. Somehow, in defiance of the cynical point of view as to the Force of Lies and against all the power of falsified evidence, truth often turns out to be stronger than calumny. With the course of years, however, another danger sprang up, a danger arising naturally from the new political alliances dividing Europe into two armed camps. It was the danger of silence. Almost without exception the Press of Western Europe in the twentieth century refused to touch the Polish question in any shape or form whatever. Never was the fact of Polish vitality more embarrassing to European diplomacy than on the eve of Poland??s resurrection.
When the war broke out there was something gruesomely comic in the proclamations of emperors and archdukes appealing to that invincible soul of a nation whose existence or moral worth they had been so arrogantly denying for more than a century. Perhaps in the whole record of human transactions there have never been performances so brazen and so vile as the manifestoes of the German Emperor and the Grand Duke Nicholas of Russia; and, I imagine, no more bitter insult has been offered to human heart and intelligence than the way in which those proclamations were flung into the face of historical truth. It was like a scene in a cynical and sinister farce, the absurdity of which became in some sort unfathomable by the reflection that nobody in the world could possibly be so abjectly stupid as to be deceived for a single moment. At that time, and for the first two months of the war, I happened to be in Poland, and I remember perfectly well that, when those precious documents came out, the confidence in the moral turpitude of mankind they implied did not even raise a scornful smile on the lips of men whose most sacred feelings and dignity they outraged. They did not deign to waste their contempt on them. In fact, the situation was too poignant and too involved for either hot scorn or a coldly rational discussion. For the Poles it was like being in a burning house of which all the issues were locked. There was nothing but sheer anguish under the strange, as if stony, calmness which in the utter absence of all hope falls on minds that are not constitutionally prone to despair. Yet in this time of dismay the irrepressible vitality of the nation would not accept a neutral attitude. I was told that even if there were no issue it was absolutely necessary for the Poles to affirm their national existence. Passivity, which could be regarded as a craven acceptance of all the material and moral horrors ready to fall upon the nation, was not to be thought of for a moment. Therefore, it was explained to me, the Poles must act. Whether this was a counsel of wisdom or not it is very difficult to say, but there are crises of the soul which are beyond the reach of wisdom. When there is apparently no issue visible to the eyes of reason, sentiment may yet find a way out, either towards salvation or to utter perdition, no one can tell ?? and the sentiment does not even ask the question. Being there as a stranger in that tense atmosphere, which was yet not unfamiliar to me, I was not very anxious to parade my wisdom, especially after it had been pointed out in answer to my cautious arguments that, if life has its values worth fighting for, death, too, has that in it which can make it worthy or unworthy.
Out of the mental and moral trouble into which the grouping of the Powers at the beginning of war had thrown the counsels of Poland there emerged at last the decision that the Polish Legions, a peace organisation in Galicia directed by Pilsudski (afterwards given the rank of General, and now apparently the Chief of the Government in Warsaw), should take the field against the Russians. In reality it did not matter against which partner in the ??Crime?? Polish resentment should be directed. There was little to choose between the methods of Russian barbarism, which were both crude and rotten, and the cultivated brutality tinged with contempt of Germany??s superficial, grinding civilisation. There was nothing to choose between them. Both were hateful, and the direction of the Polish effort was naturally governed by Austria??s tolerant attitude, which had connived for years at the semi-secret organisation of the Polish Legions. Besides, the material possibility pointed out the way. That Poland should have turned at first against the ally of Western Powers, to whose moral support she had been looking for so many years, is not a greater monstrosity than that alliance with Russia which had been entered into by England and France with rather less excuse and with a view to eventualities which could perhaps have been avoided by a firmer policy and by a greater resolution in the face of what plainly appeared unavoidable.
For let the truth be spoken. The action of Germany, however cruel, sanguinary, and faithless, was nothing in the nature of a stab in the dark. The Germanic Tribes had told the whole world in all possible tones carrying conviction, the gently persuasive, the coldly logical; in tones Hegelian, Nietzschean, war-like, pious, cynical, inspired, what they were going to do to the inferior races of the earth, so full of sin and all unworthiness. But with a strange similarity to the prophets of old (who were also great moralists and invokers of might) they seemed to be crying in a desert. Whatever might have been the secret searching of hearts, the Worthless Ones would not take heed. It must also be admitted that the conduct of the menaced Governments carried with it no suggestion of resistance. It was no doubt, the effect of neither courage nor fear, but of that prudence which causes the average man to stand very still in the presence of a savage dog. It was not a very politic attitude, and the more reprehensible in so far that it seemed to arise from the mistrust of their own people??s fortitude. On simple matters of life and death a people is always better than its leaders, because a people cannot argue itself as a whole into a sophisticated state of mind out of deference for a mere doctrine or from an exaggerated sense of its own cleverness. I am speaking now of democracies whose chiefs resemble the tyrant of Syracuse in this, that their power is unlimited (for who can limit the will of a voting people?) and who always see the domestic sword hanging by a hair above their heads.
Perhaps a different attitude would have checked German self-confidence, and her overgrown militarism would have died from the excess of its own strength. What would have been then the moral state of Europe it is difficult to say. Some other excess would probably have taken its place, excess of theory, or excess of sentiment, or an excess of the sense of security leading to some other form of catastrophe; but it is certain that in that case the Polish question would not have taken a concrete form for ages. Perhaps it would never have taken form! In this world, where everything is transient, even the most reproachful ghosts end by vanishing out of old mansions, out of men??s consciences. Progress of enlightenment, or decay of faith? In the years before the war the Polish ghost was becoming so thin that it was impossible to get for it the slightest mention in the papers. A young Pole coming to me from Paris was extremely indignant, but I, indulging in that detachment which is the product of greater age, longer experience, and a habit of meditation, refused to share that sentiment. He had gone begging for a word on Poland to many influential people, and they had one and all told him that they were going to do no such thing. They were all men of ideas and therefore might have been called idealists, but the notion most strongly anchored in their minds was the folly of touching a question which certainly had no merit of actuality and would have had the appalling effect of provoking the wrath of their old enemies and at the same time offending the sensibilities of their new friends. It was an unanswerable argument. I couldn??t share my young friend??s surprise and indignation. My practice of reflection had also convinced me that there is nothing on earth that turns quicker on its pivot than political idealism when touched by the breath of practical politics.
It would be good to remember that Polish independence as embodied in a Polish State is not the gift of any kind of journalism, neither is it the outcome even of some particularly benevolent idea or of any clearly apprehended sense of guilt. I am speaking of what I know when I say that the original and only formative idea in Europe was the idea of delivering the fate of Poland into the hands of Russian Tsarism. And, let us remember, it was assumed then to be a victorious Tsarism at that. It was an idea talked of openly, entertained seriously, presented as a benevolence, with a curious blindness to its grotesque and ghastly character. It was the idea of delivering the victim with a kindly smile and the confident assurance that ??it would be all right?? to a perfectly unrepentant assassin, who, after sawing furiously at its throat for a hundred years or so, was expected to make friends suddenly and kiss it on both cheeks in the mystic Russian fashion. It was a singularly nightmarish combination of international polity, and no whisper of any other would have been officially tolerated. Indeed, I do not think in the whole extent of Western Europe there was anybody who had the slightest mind to whisper on that subject. Those were the days of the dark future, when Benckendorf put down his name on the Committee for the Relief of Polish Populations driven by the Russian armies into the heart of Russia, when the Grand Duke Nicholas (the gentleman who advocated a St. Bartholomew??s Night for the suppression of Russian liberalism) was displaying his ??divine?? (I have read the very word in an English newspaper of standing) strategy in the great retreat, where Mr. Iswolsky carried himself haughtily on the banks of the Seine; and it was beginning to dawn upon certain people there that he was a greater nuisance even than the Polish question. related links: [chenrenfan108] |
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nnso 发表评论: ( 2015-2-15 8:32:44 )
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粮农 发表评论: ( 2015-3-23 17:09:20 )
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cai2015430 发表评论: ( 2015-4-29 20:27:33 )
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assloo 发表评论: ( 2015-4-3 8:26:48 )
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Russian Ambassador Andrey Denisov said in Beijing on the 1st, Chinese President Xi Jinping will be the main guest of the Great Patriotic War in Moscow to celebrate the 70th anniversary of the victory ceremony on. Meanwhile, the Russian Embassy in China will grant 40 World War II veterans, "the 70th anniversary of victory in the Great Patriotic War" Memorial Medal.RIA Novosti, Denisov on to summarize the theme of World War II Roundtable, said, "Earlier, the General Office of the CPC Central Committee Li gauntlet to Moscow for a visit, this is the new direction of cooperation between the two rare The talks in a major issue for the President Xi Jinping's visit to Russia to prepare. We now can say with certainty that China's President Xi Jinping will be the main guest of the Great Patriotic War in Moscow on the 70th anniversary of the victory celebration. "Russian Embassy press officer Roman on the 1st of the "Global Times" reporter that, in addition to the invitation of Chinese President Xi Jinping as the main guest of the event, but Russia has invited the leaders of the countries as the main guests attended is not clear at present, but He believes that the Russian President Xi Jinping should have special treatment, because the relationship between Russia and China is special. 1st Denisov said President Vladimir Putin is expected to attend the military parade held in Beijing in September. To participate in the 70th anniversary of the victory celebration will lay a good foundation for bilateral relations between Russia and China, including the emotional foundation.RIA Novosti, Denisov said on the 1st, the 70th anniversary of victory in World War II on the occasion of the Russian Embassy in China will grant 40 World War II veterans, "the 70th anniversary of victory in the Great Patriotic War," Memorial Medal, which is Russia One of the central events Embassy. Chapter award ceremony will be held on April 15. At present, China has a total of 60 work in the Soviet Union during the war veterans had initially estimated that 40 people can be present to accept the award chapter.Roman on the 1st of the "Global Times" reporter, said that this is the first time for Chinese Russian World War II veterans awards, Russian Embassy had never had a similar activity. This will be a very interesting and very important event, then Ambassador Denisov will represent China's veteran President Vladimir Putin for the award. Currently there is a bilateral relationship embassy team, responsible for contacting these veterans, and invite them to participate in activities. Roman said that during the event, the Embassy will also host a "Manchurian · our common victory," the exhibition's opening ceremony called. The photo exhibition will be devoted to the history of Russian troops in northeastern China and Japan struggle.RIA Novosti reported that, in the fight against Nazi Germany and militarist Japan, on the occasion of the 70th anniversary of Russia will hold a joint celebration of about 60, which is the most important heads of state visits. 1st Denisov said that China and the Soviet people to the victory in World War II paid an unprecedented price, and therefore will not allow arbitrary interpretation and deliberate distortion of history.
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zheng123 发表评论: ( 2015-6-22 9:27:55 )
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zheng123 6.22 |
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cai2015703 发表评论: ( 2015-7-3 17:10:43 )
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FCSAFVS 发表评论: ( 2015-7-8 12:07:40 )
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“Something that Nelly Trotter” (Trotting Nelly, as the company called her) “brought from a sketching gentleman that lives at the woman’s” (thus bluntly did the upstart minx describe the reverend Mrs. Margaret Dods) “at the Cleikum of Aultoun yonder”— A name, by the way, which the inn had acquired from the use which the saint upon the sign-post was making of his pastoral crook.
“Indeed, Dinah?” said Mr. Winterblossom, gravely taking out his spectacles, and wiping them before he opened the roll of paper; “some boy’s daubing, I suppose, whose pa and ma wish to get him into the Trustees’ School, and so are beating about for a little interest. — But I am drained dry — I put three lads in last season; and if it had not been my particular interest with the secretary, who asks my opinion now and then, I could not have managed it. But giff-gaff, say I. — Eh! What, in the devil’s name, is this? — Here is both force and keeping — Who can this be, my lady? — Do but see the sky-line — why, this is really a little bit — an exquisite little bit — Who the devil can it be? and how can he have stumbled upon the dog-hole in the Old Town, and the snarling b —— I beg your ladyship ten thousand pardons — that kennels there?”
“I dare say, my lady,” said a little miss of fourteen, her eyes growing rounder and rounder, and her cheeks redder and redder, as she found herself speaking, and so many folks listening —“O la! I dare say it is the same gentleman we met one day in the Low-wood walk, that looked like a gentleman, and yet was none of the company, and that you said was a handsome man.”
“I did not say handsome, Maria,” replied her ladyship; “ladies never say men are handsome — I only said he looked genteel and interesting.”
“And that, my lady,” said the young parson, bowing and smiling, “is, I will be judged by the company, the more flattering compliment of the two — We shall be jealous of this Unknown presently.”
“Nay, but,” continued the sweetly communicative Maria, with some real and some assumed simplicity, “your ladyship forgets — for you said presently after, you were sure he was no gentleman, for he did not run after you with your glove which you had dropped — and so I went back myself to find your ladyship’s glove, and he never offered to help me, and I saw him closer than your ladyship did, and I am sure he is handsome, though he is not very civil.”
“You speak a little too much and too loud, miss,” said Lady Penelope, a natural blush reinforcing the nuance of rouge by which it was usually superseded.
“What say you to that, Squire Mowbray?” said the elegant Sir Bingo Binks.
“A fair challenge to the field, Sir Bingo,” answered the squire; “when a lady throws down the gauntlet, a gentleman may throw the handkerchief.” |
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kmbsh 发表评论: ( 2015-8-10 5:58:36 )
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crf123 发表评论: ( 2015-8-11 15:06:16 )
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qiuml20150807 发表评论: ( 2015-8-7 10:16:52 )
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William 发表评论: ( 2015-9-10 4:49:40 )
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guoyanying 发表评论: ( 2015-9-14 16:52:23 )
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I conceive, also, that these twenty years would appear in the retrospect scarcely longer than the week to which Wakefield had at first limited his absence. He would look on the affair as no more than an interlude in the main business of his life. When, after a little while more, he should deem it time to re-enter his parlor, his wife would clap her hands for joy on beholding the middle-aged Mr. Wakefield. Alas, what a mistake! Would Time but await the close of our favorite follies, we should be young men — all of us — and till Doomsday.One evening, in the twentieth year since he vanished, Wakefield is taking his customary walk toward the dwelling which he still calls his own. It is a gusty night of autumn, with frequent showers that patter down upon the pavement and are gone before a man can put up his umbrella. Pausing near the house, Wakefield discerns through the parlor-windows of the second floor the red glow and the glimmer and fitful flash of a comfortable fire. On the ceiling appears a grotesque shadow of good Mrs. Wakefield. The cap, the nose and chin and the broad waist form an admirable caricature, which dances, moreover, with the up-flickering and down-sinking blaze almost too merrily for the shade of an elderly widow. At this instant a shower chances to fall, and is driven by the unmannerly gust full into Wakefield’s face and bosom. He is quite penetrated with its autumnal chill. Shall he stand wet and shivering here, when his own hearth has a good fire to warm him and his own wife will run to fetch the gray coat and small-clothes which doubtless she has kept carefully in the closet of their bedchamber? No; Wakefield is no such fool. He ascends the steps — heavily, for twenty years have stiffened his legs since he came down, but he knows it not. — Stay, Wakefield! Would you go to the sole home that is left you? Then step into your grave. — The door opens. As he passes in we have a parting glimpse of his visage, and recognize the crafty smile which was the precursor of the little joke that he has ever since been playing off at his wife’s expense. How unmercifully has he quizzed the poor woman! Well, a good night’s rest to Wakefield!This happy event — supposing it to be such — could only have occurred at an unpremeditated moment. We will not follow our friend across the threshold. He has left us much food for thought, a portion of which shall lend its wisdom to a moral and be shaped into a figure. Amid the seeming confusion of our mysterious world individuals are so nicely adjusted to a system, and systems to one another and to a whole, that by stepping aside for a moment a man exposes himself to a fearful risk of losing his place for ever. Like Wakefield, he may become, as it were, the outcast of the universe.At fifteen I became a resident in a country village more than a hundred miles from home. The morning after my arrival — a September morning, but warm and bright as any in July — I rambled into a wood of oaks with a few walnut trees intermixed, forming the closest shade above my head. The ground was rocky, uneven, overgrown with bushes and clumps of young saplings and traversed only by cattle-paths. The track which I chanced to follow led me to a crystal spring with a border of grass as freshly green as on May morning, and overshadowed by the limb of a great oak. One solitary sunbeam found its way down and played like a goldfish in the water.From my childhood I have loved to gaze into a spring. The water filled a circular basin, small but deep and set round with stones, some of which were covered with slimy moss, the others naked and of variegated hue — reddish, white and brown. The bottom was covered with coarse sand, which sparkled in the lonely sunbeam and seemed to illuminate the spring with an unborrowed light. In one spot the gush of the water violently agitated the sand, but without obscuring the fountain or breaking the glassiness of its surface. It appeared as if some living creature were about to emerge — the naiad of the spring, perhaps, in the shape of a beautiful young woman with a gown of filmy water-moss, a belt of rainbow-drops and a cold, pure, passionless countenance. How would the beholder shiver, pleasantly yet fearfully, to see her sitting on one of the stones, paddling her white feet in the ripples and throwing up water to sparkle in the sun! Wherever she laid her hands on grass and flowers, they would immediately be moist, as with morning dew. Then would she set about her labors, like a careful housewife, to clear the fountain of withered leaves, and bits of slimy wood, and old acorns from the oaks above, and grains of corn left by cattle in drinking, till the bright sand in the bright water were like a treasury of diamonds. But, should the intruder approach too near, he would find only the drops of a summer shower glistening about the spot where he had seen her. |
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