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中国政法大学名家论坛第142讲:数字技术在法医学鉴定中的应用 
2014-6-18
主讲人:陈忆九(法医病理学专家,博士生导师)
时间:2014年6月19日星期四,18:30-21:00
地点:中国政法大学学院路校区科研楼B211教室
 
主讲人简介:
    陈忆九,研究员,法医病理学专家,博士生导师,享受国务院特殊津贴。1984年上海医科大学毕业。1997年起在司法部司法鉴定科学技术研究所法医病理学研究室从事鉴定与研究工作。
    目前兼任上海市司法鉴定协会法医病理专业主任委员、中国法医学会法医病理专业委员会副主任委员。复旦大学、苏州大学、南方医科大学兼职教授。在重大疑难案件死亡原因鉴定、法医学损伤与疾病关系鉴定与研究中卓有建树。
    主持国家自然科学基金、省部级科研项目10余起,发表学术论文七十余篇,主编、副主编法医病理学专著各1部,参编专著8部。
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xiaozhengm56 发表评论: ( 2014-10-23 14:28:04 )
   





















































































































































































































































































































































































































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guoguo 发表评论: ( 2014-11-13 10:31:23 )
   






























































































































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huali12cai 发表评论: ( 2014-11-17 16:11:58 )
   





















































































































































































































































































































































































































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Louis Vuitton 发表评论: ( 2014-11-27 15:09:54 )
    Have you thought about what you want people to say about you after you're gone? Can you hear

the voice saying, "He

was a great man."

Or "She really will

be missed." What else

do they say?



One of the

strangest phenomena of life

is to engage in

a work that will

last long after death.

Isn't that a lot

like investing all your

money so that future

generations can bare interest

on it? Perhaps, yet

if you look deep

in your own heart,

you'll find something drives

you to make this

kind of contribution --

something drives every human

being to find a

purpose that lives on

after death.



Do you hope to

memorialize your name? Have

a name that is

whispered with reverent?????ϵģ? awe?

Do you hope to

have your face carved

upon 50 ft of

granite???????ң? rock? Is the

answer really that simple?

Is the purpose of

lifetime contribution an ego-driven

desire for a mortal

being to have an

immortal name or is

it something more?



A child alive

today will die tomorrow.

A baby that had

the potential to be

the next Einstein will

die from complication is

at birth. The circumstances

of life are not

set in stone. We

are not all meant

to live life through

to old age. We've

grown to perceive life3

as a full cycle

with a certain number

of years in between.

If all of those

years aren't lived out,

it's a tragedy. A

tragedy because a human's

potential was never realized.

A tragedy because a

spark was snuffed out

before it ever became

a flame.



By virtue of inhabiting

a body we accept

these risks. We expose

our mortal flesh to

the laws of the

physical environment around us.

The trade off isn't

so bad when you

think about it. The

problem comes when we

construct mortal fantasies of

what life should be

like. When life doesn't

conform to our fantasy we grow upset, frustrated, or depressed.



We are alive; let us live. We have the ability to experience; let us experience. We have the ability to learn; let us learn. The meaning of life can be grasped in a moment. A moment so brief it often evades our perception.



What meaning

stands behind the dramatic unfolding of life? What single truth can we grasp and hang onto for dear life when

all other truths around

us seem to fade

with time?



These moments are strung

together in a series

we call events. These

events are strung together

in a series we

call life. When we

seize the moment and

bend it according to

our will, a will

driven by the spirit

deep inside us, then

we have discovered the

meaning of life, a

meaning for us that

shall go on long

after we depart this

Earth.
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Michael Kors outlet 发表评论: ( 2014-11-6 9:59:17 )
    verstecken konnte , bis der Schmerz in ihrer Brust ein wenig nachlie? , kam ihr ein Gedanke , bringen asmall Hoffnungsschimmer. Ihr Vater hatte ??ber den Twelve Oaks , die Wilkes -Plantage
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ヴィトン激安コピー 发表评论: ( 2014-8-1 20:42:58 )
    ヴィトン激安コピー今日、フランスクラシックブランドルイ・ヴィトンの済南が高くてと靴センター専売靴店は厳かに開幕します。これもルイ・ヴィトンの済南で開いた1つ目の靴店鋪で、2008年青島の設置の山東の第一家専売靴店の後の全く新しい靴店鋪を継ぐです。

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Wolverine 发表评论: ( 2014-8-20 13:19:20 )
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gucci 发表评论: ( 2014-8-29 17:43:50 )
    elder man fixed his colorless gray eyes on the younger with an expression which added plainly, ??There won??t be room enough in this schooner much
still more idly, was looking at the pattern. Seeing what he saw now, Richard solved the problem which had puzzled him on deck. It was simply
thinned, till there dawned through it in the first rays of sunlight the tall white sails of a Schooner Yacht. From stem to stern silence possessed
the story. Sir Joseph went on: ??As soon as we got on deck, we saw the man in the water, astern. Our vessel was hove up in the wind, and the boat was
over, and slip into the water as silently as a seal.?? ??Of an extraordinary adventure,?? persisted Sir Joseph, ??which happened to me many years ago,
replied. ??I mustn??t let my medical knowledge get musty at sea, and I might not feel inclined to study later in the day.
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习近平 发表评论: ( 2014-9-13 15:51:43 )
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周建华 发表评论: ( 2014-9-20 9:12:08 )
    “品质、品牌、诚信”的






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Louis Vuitton Outlet 发表评论: ( 2014-9-29 12:03:00 )
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Michael Kors outlet 发表评论: ( 2015-1-14 13:39:40 )
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Yamaha outboards 发表评论: ( 2015-1-23 19:25:02 )
   


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Yamaha outboards 发表评论: ( 2015-1-23 19:31:58 )
   

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Yamaha outboards 发表评论: ( 2015-1-23 19:39:15 )
   

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miss 发表评论: ( 2015-1-8 9:47:08 )
    It was only after the partition of Poland that Russia began to play a great part in Europe. To such statesmen as she had then that act of

brigandage must have appeared inspired by great political wisdom. The King of Prussia, faithful to the ruling principle of his life, wished

simply to aggrandise his dominions at a much smaller cost and at much less risk than he could have done in any

other direction; for at that time Poland was perfectly defenceless from a material point of view, and more than ever, perhaps, inclined

to put its faith in humanitarian illusions. Morally, the Republic was in a state of ferment and consequent weakness, which so often

accompanies the period of social reform. The strength arrayed against her was just then overwhelming; I mean the comparatively honest (because open)

strength of armed forces. But, probably from innate inclination towards treachery, Frederick of Prussia selected for himself the part of falsehood and

deception. Appearing on the scene in the character of a friend he entered deliberately into a treaty of alliance with the Republic,

and then, before the ink was dry, tore it up in brazen defiance of the commonest decency, which must have been extremely

gratifying to his natural tastes.

As to Austria, it shed diplomatic tears over the transaction. They cannot be called crocodile tears, insomuch that

they were in a measure sincere. They arose from a vivid perception that Austria??s allotted share of the spoil could never compensate

her for the accession of strength and territory to the other two Powers. Austria did not really want an extension of territory

at the cost of Poland. She could not hope to improve her frontier in that way, and economically she had no need

of Galicia, a province whose natural resources were undeveloped and whose salt mines did not arouse her cupidity because she had salt

mines of her own. No doubt the democratic complexion of Polish institutions was very distasteful to the conservative monarchy; Austrian statesmen did

see at the time that the real danger to the principle of autocracy was in the West, in France, and that all

the forces of Central Europe would be needed for its suppression. But the movement towards a partage on the part of Russia

and Prussia was too definite to be resisted, and Austria had to follow their lead in the destruction of a State which

she would have preferred to preserve as a possible ally against Prussian and Russian ambitions. It may be truly said that the

destruction of Poland secured the safety of the French Revolution. For when in 1795 the crime was consummated, the Revolution had turned

the corner and was in a state to defend itself against the forces of reaction.

In the second half of the eighteenth century

there were two centres of liberal ideas on the continent of Europe: France and Poland. On an impartial survey one may say

without exaggeration that then France was relatively every bit as weak as Poland; even, perhaps, more so. But France??s geographical position made

her much less vulnerable. She had no powerful neighbours on her frontier; a decayed Spain in the south and a conglomeration of

small German Principalities on the east were her happy lot. The only States which dreaded the contamination of the new principles and

had enough power to combat it were Prussia, Austria, and Russia, and they had another centre of forbidden ideas to deal with

in defenceless Poland, unprotected by nature, and offering an immediate satisfaction to their cupidity. They made their choice, and the untold sufferings

of a nation which would not die was the price exacted by fate for the triumph of revolutionary ideals.

Thus even a crime

may become a moral agent by the lapse of time and the course of history. Progress leaves its dead by the way,

for progress is only a great adventure as its leaders and chiefs know very well in their hearts. It is a march

into an undiscovered country; and in such an enterprise the victims do not count. As an emotional outlet for the oratory of

freedom it was convenient enough to remember the Crime now and then: the Crime being the murder of a State and the

carving of its body into three pieces. There was really nothing to do but to drop a few tears and a few

flowers of rhetoric upon the grave. But the spirit of the nation refused to rest therein. It haunted the territories of the

Old Republic in the manner of a ghost haunting its ancestral mansion where strangers are making themselves at home; a calumniated, ridiculed,

and pooh-pooh??d ghost, and yet never ceasing to inspire a sort of awe, a strange uneasiness, in the hearts of the unlawful

possessors. Poland deprived of its independence, of its historical continuity, with its religion and language persecuted and repressed, became a mere geographical

expression. And even that, itself, seemed strangely vague, had lost its definite character, was rendered doubtful by the theories and the claims

of the spoliators who, by a strange effect of uneasy conscience, while strenuously denying the moral guilt of the transaction, were always

trying to throw a veil of high rectitude over the Crime. What was most annoying to their righteousness was the fact that

the nation, stabbed to the heart, refused to grow insensible and cold. That persistent and almost uncanny vitality was sometimes very inconvenient

to the rest of Europe also. It would intrude its irresistible claim into every problem of European politics, into the theory of

European equilibrium, into the question of the Near East, the Italian question, the question of Schleswig-Holstein, and into the doctrine of nationalities.

That ghost, not content with making its ancestral halls uncomfortable for the thieves, haunted also the Cabinets of Europe, waved indecently its

bloodstained robes in the solemn atmosphere of Council-rooms, where congresses and conferences sit with closed windows. It would not be exorcised by

the brutal jeers of Bismarck and the fine railleries of Gorchakov.

As a Polish friend observed to me some years ago: ??Till the

year ??48 the Polish problem has been to a certain extent a convenient rallying-point for all manifestations of liberalism. Since that time

we have come to be regarded simply as a nuisance. It??s very disagreeable.??

I agreed that it was, and he continued: ??What are

we to do? We did not create the situation by any outside action of ours. Through all the centuries of its existence

Poland has never been a menace to anybody, not even to the Turks, to whom it has been merely an obstacle.??

Nothing could

be more true. The spirit of aggressiveness was absolutely foreign to the Polish temperament, to which the preservation of its institutions and

its liberties was much more precious than any ideas of conquest. Polish wars were defensive, and they were mostly fought within Poland??s

own borders. And that those territories were often invaded was but a misfortune arising from its geographical position. Territorial expansion was never

the master-thought of Polish statesmen. The consolidation of the territories of the Serenissime Republic, which made of it a Power of the

first rank for a time, was not accomplished by force. It was not the consequence of successful aggression, but of a long

and successful defence against the raiding neighbours from the East. The lands of Lithuanian and Ruthenian speech were never conquered by Poland.

These peoples were not compelled by a series of exhausting wars to seek safety in annexation. It was not the will of

a prince or a political intrigue that brought about the union. Neither was it fear. The slowly-matured view of the economical and

social necessities and, before all, the ripening moral sense of the masses were the motives that induced the forty three representatives of

Lithuanian and Ruthenian provinces, led by their paramount prince, to enter into a political combination unique in the history of the world,

a spontaneous and complete union of sovereign States choosing deliberately the way of peace. Never was strict truth better expressed in a

political instrument than in the preamble of the first union Treaty (1413). It begins with the words: ??This union, being the outcome

not of hatred, but of love?? ?? words that Poles have not heard addressed to them politically by any nation for the

last hundred and fifty years.

This union being an organic, living thing capable of growth and development was, later, modified and confirmed by

two other treaties, which guaranteed to all the parties in a just and eternal union all their rights, liberties, and respective institutions.

The Polish State offers a singular instance of an extremely liberal administrative federalism which, in its Parliamentary life as well as its

international politics, presented a complete unity of feeling and purpose. As an eminent French diplomatist remarked many years ago: ??It is a

very remarkable fact in the history of the Polish State, this invariable and unanimous consent of the populations; the more so that,

the King being looked upon simply as the chief of the Republic, there was no monarchical bond, no dynastic fidelity to control

and guide the sentiment of the nations, and their union remained as a pure affirmation of the national will.?? The Grand Duchy

of Lithuania and its Ruthenian Provinces retained their statutes, their own administration, and their own political institutions. That those institutions in the

course of time tended to assimilation with the Polish form was not the result of any pressure, but simply of the superior

character of Polish civilisation.

Even after Poland lost its independence this alliance and this union remained firm in spirit and fidelity. All the

national movements towards liberation were initiated in the name of the whole mass of people inhabiting the limits of the old Republic,

and all the Provinces took part in them with complete devotion. It is only in the last generation that efforts have been

made to create a tendency towards separation, which would indeed serve no one but Poland??s common enemies. And, strangely enough, it is

the internationalists, men who professedly care nothing for race or country, who have set themselves this task of disruption, one can easily

see for what sinister purpose. The ways of the internationalists may be dark, but they are not inscrutable.

From the same source no

doubt there will flow in the future a poisoned stream of hints of a reconstituted Poland being a danger to the races

once so closely associated within the territories of the Old Republic. The old partners in ??the Crime?? are not likely to forgive their victim its inconvenient and almost shocking obstinacy in keeping alive. They had tried moral assassination before and with some

small measure of success, for, indeed, the Polish question, like all living reproaches, had become a nuisance. Given the wrong, and the apparent impossibility of righting it without running risks of a serious nature, some moral alleviation may be found in the

belief that the victim had brought its misfortunes on its own head by its own sins. That theory, too, had been advanced

about Poland (as if other nations had known nothing of sin and folly), and it made some way in the world at

different times, simply because good care was taken by the interested parties to stop the mouth of the accused. But it has

never carried much conviction to honest minds. Somehow, in defiance of the cynical point of view as to the Force of Lies

and against all the power of falsified evidence, truth often turns out to be stronger than calumny. With the course of years,

however, another danger sprang up, a danger arising naturally from the new political alliances dividing Europe into two armed camps. It was

the danger of silence. Almost without exception the Press of Western Europe in the twentieth century refused to touch the Polish question

in any shape or form whatever. Never was the fact of Polish vitality more embarrassing to European diplomacy than on the eve

of Poland??s resurrection.

When the war broke out there was something gruesomely comic in the proclamations of emperors and archdukes appealing to that

invincible soul of a nation whose existence or moral worth they had been so arrogantly denying for more than a century. Perhaps

in the whole record of human transactions there have never been performances so brazen and so vile as the manifestoes of the

German Emperor and the Grand Duke Nicholas of Russia; and, I imagine, no more bitter insult has been offered to human heart

and intelligence than the way in which those proclamations were flung into the face of historical truth. It was like a scene

in a cynical and sinister farce, the absurdity of which became in some sort unfathomable by the reflection that nobody in the

world could possibly be so abjectly stupid as to be deceived for a single moment. At that time, and for the first

two months of the war, I happened to be in Poland, and I remember perfectly well that, when those precious documents came

out, the confidence in the moral turpitude of mankind they implied did not even raise a scornful smile on the lips of

men whose most sacred feelings and dignity they outraged. They did not deign to waste their contempt on them. In fact, the

situation was too poignant and too involved for either hot scorn or a coldly rational discussion. For the Poles it was like

being in a burning house of which all the issues were locked. There was nothing but sheer anguish under the strange, as

if stony, calmness which in the utter absence of all hope falls on minds that are not constitutionally prone to despair. Yet

in this time of dismay the irrepressible vitality of the nation would not accept a neutral attitude. I was told that even

if there were no issue it was absolutely necessary for the Poles to affirm their national existence. Passivity, which could be regarded

as a craven acceptance of all the material and moral horrors ready to fall upon the nation, was not to be thought

of for a moment. Therefore, it was explained to me, the Poles must act. Whether this was a counsel of wisdom or

not it is very difficult to say, but there are crises of the soul which are beyond the reach of wisdom. When

there is apparently no issue visible to the eyes of reason, sentiment may yet find a way out, either towards salvation or

to utter perdition, no one can tell ?? and the sentiment does not even ask the question. Being there as a stranger

in that tense atmosphere, which was yet not unfamiliar to me, I was not very anxious to parade my wisdom, especially after

it had been pointed out in answer to my cautious arguments that, if life has its values worth fighting for, death, too,

has that in it which can make it worthy or unworthy.

Out of the mental and moral trouble into which the grouping of

the Powers at the beginning of war had thrown the counsels of Poland there emerged at last the decision that the Polish

Legions, a peace organisation in Galicia directed by Pilsudski (afterwards given the rank of General, and now apparently the Chief of the

Government in Warsaw), should take the field against the Russians. In reality it did not matter against which partner in the ??Crime??

Polish resentment should be directed. There was little to choose between the methods of Russian barbarism, which were both crude and rotten,

and the cultivated brutality tinged with contempt of Germany??s superficial, grinding civilisation. There was nothing to choose between them. Both were hateful,

and the direction of the Polish effort was naturally governed by Austria??s tolerant attitude, which had connived for years at the semi-secret

organisation of the Polish Legions. Besides, the material possibility pointed out the way. That Poland should have turned at first against the

ally of Western Powers, to whose moral support she had been looking for so many years, is not a greater monstrosity than

that alliance with Russia which had been entered into by England and France with rather less excuse and with a view to

eventualities which could perhaps have been avoided by a firmer policy and by a greater resolution in the face of what plainly

appeared unavoidable.

For let the truth be spoken. The action of Germany, however cruel, sanguinary, and faithless, was nothing in the nature of

a stab in the dark. The Germanic Tribes had told the whole world in all possible tones carrying conviction, the gently persuasive,

the coldly logical; in tones Hegelian, Nietzschean, war-like, pious, cynical, inspired, what they were going to do to the inferior races of

the earth, so full of sin and all unworthiness. But with a strange similarity to the prophets of old (who were also

great moralists and invokers of might) they seemed to be crying in a desert. Whatever might have been the secret searching of

hearts, the Worthless Ones would not take heed. It must also be admitted that the conduct of the menaced Governments carried with

it no suggestion of resistance. It was no doubt, the effect of neither courage nor fear, but of that prudence which causes

the average man to stand very still in the presence of a savage dog. It was not a very politic attitude, and

the more reprehensible in so far that it seemed to arise from the mistrust of their own people??s fortitude. On simple matters

of life and death a people is always better than its leaders, because a people cannot argue itself as a whole into

a sophisticated state of mind out of deference for a mere doctrine or from an exaggerated sense of its own cleverness. I

am speaking now of democracies whose chiefs resemble the tyrant of Syracuse in this, that their power is unlimited (for who can

limit the will of a voting people?) and who always see the domestic sword hanging by a hair above their heads.

Perhaps a

different attitude would have checked German self-confidence, and her overgrown militarism would have died from the excess of its own strength. What

would have been then the moral state of Europe it is difficult to say. Some other excess would probably have taken its

place, excess of theory, or excess of sentiment, or an excess of the sense of security leading to some other form of

catastrophe; but it is certain that in that case the Polish question would not have taken a concrete form for ages. Perhaps

it would never have taken form! In this world, where everything is transient, even the most reproachful ghosts end by vanishing out

of old mansions, out of men??s consciences. Progress of enlightenment, or decay of faith? In the years before the war the Polish

ghost was becoming so thin that it was impossible to get for it the slightest mention in the papers. A young Pole

coming to me from Paris was extremely indignant, but I, indulging in that detachment which is the product of greater age, longer

experience, and a habit of meditation, refused to share that sentiment. He had gone begging for a word on Poland to many

influential people, and they had one and all told him that they were going to do no such thing. They were all

men of ideas and therefore might have been called idealists, but the notion most strongly anchored in their minds was the folly

of touching a question which certainly had no merit of actuality and would have had the appalling effect of provoking the wrath

of their old enemies and at the same time offending the sensibilities of their new friends. It was an unanswerable argument. I

couldn??t share my young friend??s surprise and indignation. My practice of reflection had also convinced me that there is nothing on earth

that turns quicker on its pivot than political idealism when touched by the breath of practical politics.

It would be good to remember

that Polish independence as embodied in a Polish State is not the gift of any kind of journalism, neither is it the

outcome even of some particularly benevolent idea or of any clearly apprehended sense of guilt. I am speaking of what I know

when I say that the original and only formative idea in Europe was the idea of delivering the fate of Poland into

the hands of Russian Tsarism. And, let us remember, it was assumed then to be a victorious Tsarism at that. It was

an idea talked of openly, entertained seriously, presented as a benevolence, with a curious blindness to its grotesque and ghastly character. It

was the idea of delivering the victim with a kindly smile and the confident assurance that ??it would be all right?? to

a perfectly unrepentant assassin, who, after sawing furiously at its throat for a hundred years or so, was expected to make friends

suddenly and kiss it on both cheeks in the mystic Russian fashion. It was a singularly nightmarish combination of international polity, and

no whisper of any other would have been officially tolerated. Indeed, I do not think in the whole extent of Western Europe

there was anybody who had the slightest mind to whisper on that subject. Those were the days of the dark future, when

Benckendorf put down his name on the Committee for the Relief of Polish Populations driven by the Russian armies into the heart

of Russia, when the Grand Duke Nicholas (the gentleman who advocated a St. Bartholomew??s Night for the suppression of Russian liberalism) was

displaying his ??divine?? (I have read the very word in an English newspaper of standing) strategy in the great retreat, where Mr.

Iswolsky carried himself haughtily on the banks of the Seine; and it was beginning to dawn upon certain people there that he

was a greater nuisance even than the Polish question.

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nnso 发表评论: ( 2015-2-15 8:22:56 )
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linda 发表评论: ( 2015-4-2 11:08:10 )
    n returning to the kitchen to go on with her work, the exhaustion against which Marie had hitherto fought successfully, overpowered her the moment she sat down; her heavy head drooped, her eyes closed in spite of her, and she fell into a broken, uneasy slumber. Madame Duparc and her daughter, seeing the condition she was in, undertook the preparation of the day??s dinner themselves. Among the dishes which they got ready, and which they salted from the cellars on the dresser, were two different kinds of soup ?? one kind for themselves, made from fresh ??stock???? ?? the other, for Marie and the nurse, made from old ??stock.?? They were engaged over their cookery, when Monsieur Duparc arrived from the country; and Marie was awakened to take the horse he had ridden to the stables, to unsaddle the animal, and to give him his feed of corn. While she was thus engaged, Madame Duparc and her daughter remained alone in the kitchen. When she left the stable, it was time for her to lay the cloth. She was told to put plates for seven persons. Only six, however, sat down to dinner. Those six were, Madame De Beaulieu, Monsieur and Madame Duparc, the youngest of their two sons, Madame Beauguillot (sister of Madame Duparc), and Monsieur Beauguillot (her son). Mademoiselle Duparc remained in the kitchen to help Marie in serving up the dinner, and only took her place at table after the soup had been put on. Her elder brother, after summoning his father home, had not returned to the house.

After the soup had been taken away, and while Marie was waiting at table during the eating of the second course, young Duparc complained that he felt something gritty between his teeth. His mother made precisely the same remark. Nobody else, however, agreed with them, and the subject was allowed to drop. When the second course was done with, the dessert followed, consisting of a plate of cherries. With the dessert there arrived a visitor, Monsieur Fergant, a relation of Madame Duparc??s. This gentleman placed himself at table with the rest of the company.

Meanwhile, the nurse and Marie were making their dinner in the kitchen off the soup which had been specially provided for them ?? Marie having previously placed the dirty plates, and the empty soup-tureen from the dining-room, in the scullery, as usual, to be washed at the proper time. While she and her companion were still engaged over their soup, young Duparc and his mother suddenly burst into the kitchen, followed by the other persons who had partaken of dinner. ??We are all poisoned!?? cried Madame Duparc, in the greatest terror. ??Good heavens! I smell burned arsenic in the kitchen!??

Monsieur Fergant, the visitor, hearing these last words, politely stepped forward to echo them. ??Burned arsenic, beyond a doubt,?? said Monsieur Fergant. When this gentleman was subsequently questioned on the subject, it may not be amiss to mention that he was quite unable to say what burned arsenic smelled like. Neither is it altogether out of place to inquire how Madame Duparc happened to be so amazingly apt at discovering the smell of burned arsenic? The answer to the question does not seem easy to discover.

Having settled that they were all poisoned, and having even found out (thanks to those two intelligent amateur chemists, Madame Duparc and Monsieur Fergant) the very nature of the deadly drug that had been used to destroy them, the next thing the company naturally thought of was the necessity of summoning medical help. Young Monsieur Beauguillot obligingly ran off (it was apparently a very mild case of poisoning, so far as he was concerned) to the apothecary??s shop, and fetched, not the apprentice this time, but the master. The master, Monsieur Thierry, arrived in great haste, and found the dinner-eaters all complaining of nausea and pains in the stomach. He naturally asked what they had eaten. The reply was, that they had eaten nothing but soup.

This was, to say the least of it, rather an unaccountable answer. The company had had for dinner, besides soup, a second course of boiled meat, and ragout of beef, and a dessert of cherries. Why was this plain fact concealed? Why was the apothecary??s attention to be fixed exclusively on the soup? Was it because the tureen was empty, and because the alleged smell of burned arsenic might be accounted for on the theory that the remains of the soup brought from the dining-room had been thrown on the kitchen fire? But no remains of soup came down ?? it had been all consumed by the guests. And what is still more remarkable, the only person in the kitchen (excepting Marie and the nurse) who could not discover the smell of burned arsenic, was the person of all others who was professionally qualified to find it out first ?? the apothecary himself.

After examining the tureen and the plates, and stirring up the wood-ashes on the fire, and making no sort of discovery, Monsieur Thierry turned to Marie, and asked if she could account for what had happened. She simply replied that she knew nothing at all about it; and thereupon her mistress and the rest of the persons present all overwhelmed her together with a perfect torrent of questions. The poor girl, terrified by the hubbub, worn out by a sleepless night and by the hard work and agitation of the day preceding it, burst into an hysterical fit of tears, and was ordered out of the kitchen to lie down and recover herself. The only person who showed her the least pity and offered her the slightest attention, was a servant-girl like herself, who lived next door, and who stole up to the room in which she was weeping alone, with a cup of warm milk-and-water to comfort her.

Meanwhile the report had spread in the town that the old man, Monsieur De Beaulieu, and the whole Duparc family had been poisoned by their servant. Madame Duparc did her best to give the rumor the widest possible circulation. Entirely forgetting, as it would seem, that she was on her own showing a poisoned woman, she roamed excitably all over the house with an audience of agitated female friends at her heels; telling the burned-arsenic story over and over again to every fresh detachment of visitors that arrived to hear it; and finally leading the whole troop of women into the room where Marie was trying to recover herself. The poor girl was surrounded in a moment; angry faces and shrill voices met her on every side; the most insolent questions, the most extravagant accusations, assailed her; and not one word that she could say in her own defense was listened to for an instant. She had sprung up in the bed, on her knees, and was frantically entreating for permission to speak in her own defense, when a new personage appeared on the scene, and stilled the clamor by his presence. This individual was a surgeon named H??bert, a friend of Madame Duparc??s, who announced that he had arrived to give the family the benefit of his assistance, and who proposed to commence operations by searching the servant??s pockets without further delay.

The instant Marie heard him make this proposal she untied her pockets, and gave them to Surgeon H??bert with her own hands. He examined them on the spot. In one he found some copper money and a thimble. In the other (to use his own words, given in evidence) he discovered ??various fragments of bread, sprinkled over with some minute substance which was white and shining. He kept the fragments of bread, and left the room immediately without saying a word.?? By this course of proceeding he gave Marie no chance of stating at the outset whether she knew of the fragments of bread being in her pocket, or whether she was totally ignorant how they came there. Setting aside, for the present, the question, whether there was really any arsenic on the crumbs at all, it would clearly have been showing the unfortunate maid of all work no more than common justice to have allowed her the opportunity of speaking before the bread was carried away.

It was now seven o??clock in the evening. The next event was the arrival of another officious visitor. The new friend in need belonged to the legal profession ?? he was an advocate named Friley. Monsieur Friley??s legal instincts led him straightway to a conclusion which seriously advanced the progress of events. Having heard the statement of Madame Duparc and her daughter, he decided that it was his duty to lodge an information against Marie before the Procurator of the king, at Caen.

The Procurator of the king is, by this time, no stranger to the reader. He was the same Monsieur Revel who had taken such an amazingly strong interest in Marie??s fortunes, and who had strongly advised her to try her luck at Caen. Here then, surely, was a friend found at last for the forlorn maid of all work. ??We shall see how Monsieur Revel acted, after Friley??s information had been duly lodged.

The French law of the period, and, it may be added, the commonest principles of justice also, required the Procurator to perform certain plain duties as soon as the accusation against Marie had reached his ears.

He was, in the first place, bound to proceed immediately, accompanied by his official colleague, to the spot where the alleged crime of poisoning was supposed to have taken place. Arrived there, it was his business to ascertain for himself the condition of the persons attacked with illness; to hear their statements; to examine the rooms, the kitchen utensils, and the family medicine-chest, if there happened to be one in the house; to receive any statement the accused person might wish to make; to take down her answers to his questions; and, lastly, to keep anything found on the servant (the bread-crumbs, for instance, of which Surgeon H??bert had coolly taken possession), or anything found about the house which it might be necessary to produce in evidence, in a position of absolute security, under the hand and seal of justice.

These were the plain duties which Monsieur Revel, the Procurator, was officially bound to fulfill. In the case of Marie, he not only neglected to perform any one of them, but actually sanctioned a scheme for entrapping her into prison, by sending a commissary of police to the house, in plain clothes, with an order to place her in solitary confinement. To what motive could this scandalous violation of his duties and of justice be attributed? The last we saw of Monsieur Revel, he was so benevolently disposed toward Marie that he condescended to advise her about her prospects in life, and even went the length of recommending her to seek for a situation in the very town in which he lived himself. And now we find him so suddenly and bitterly hostile toward the former object of his patronage, that he actually lends the assistance of his high official position to sanction an accusation against her, into the truth or falsehood of which he had not made a single inquiry! Can it be that Monsieur Revel??s interest in Marie was, after all, not of the purest possible kind, and that the unfortunate girl proved too stubbornly virtuous to be taught what the real end was toward which the attentions of her over-benevolent adviser privately pointed? There is no evidence attaching to the case (as how should there be?) to prove this. But is there any other explanation of Monsieur Revel??s conduct which at all tends to account for the extraordinary inconsistency of it?

Having received his secret instructions, the Commissary of Police ?? a man named Bertot ?? proceeded to the house of Monsieur and Madame Duparc, disguised in plain clothes. His first proceeding was to order Marie to produce the various plates, dishes, and kitchen-utensils which had been used at the dinner of Tuesday, the seventh of August (that being the day on which the poisoning of the company was alleged to have taken place). Marie produced a saucepan, an earthen vessel, a stew-pan, and several plates piled on each other, in one of which there were the remains of some soup. These articles Bertot locked up in the kitchen cupboard, and took away the key with him. He ought to have taken the additional precaution of placing a seal on the cupboard, so as to prevent any tampering with the lock, or any treachery with a duplicate key. But this he neglected to do.

His next proceeding was to tell Marie that the Procurator Revel wished to speak to her, and to propose that she should accompany him to the presence of that gentleman forthwith. Not having the slightest suspicion of any treachery, she willingly consented, and left the house with the Commissary. A friend of the Duparcs, named Vassol, accompanied them.
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assloo 发表评论: ( 2015-4-3 8:27:37 )
   

Russian Ambassador Andrey Denisov said in Beijing on the 1st, Chinese President Xi Jinping will be the main guest of the Great Patriotic War in Moscow to celebrate the 70th anniversary of the victory ceremony on. Meanwhile, the Russian Embassy in China will grant 40 World War II veterans, "the 70th anniversary of victory in the Great Patriotic War" Memorial Medal.RIA Novosti, Denisov on to summarize the theme of World War II Roundtable, said, "Earlier, the General Office of the CPC Central Committee Li gauntlet to Moscow for a visit, this is the new direction of cooperation between the two rare The talks in a major issue for the President Xi Jinping's visit to Russia to prepare. We now can say with certainty that China's President Xi Jinping will be the main guest of the Great Patriotic War in Moscow on the 70th anniversary of the victory celebration. "Russian Embassy press officer Roman on the 1st of the "Global Times" reporter that, in addition to the invitation of Chinese President Xi Jinping as the main guest of the event, but Russia has invited the leaders of the countries as the main guests attended is not clear at present, but He believes that the Russian President Xi Jinping should have special treatment, because the relationship between Russia and China is special. 1st Denisov said President Vladimir Putin is expected to attend the military parade held in Beijing in September. To participate in the 70th anniversary of the victory celebration will lay a good foundation for bilateral relations between Russia and China, including the emotional foundation.RIA Novosti, Denisov said on the 1st, the 70th anniversary of victory in World War II on the occasion of the Russian Embassy in China will grant 40 World War II veterans, "the 70th anniversary of victory in the Great Patriotic War," Memorial Medal, which is Russia One of the central events Embassy. Chapter award ceremony will be held on April 15. At present, China has a total of 60 work in the Soviet Union during the war veterans had initially estimated that 40 people can be present to accept the award chapter.Roman on the 1st of the "Global Times" reporter, said that this is the first time for Chinese Russian World War II veterans awards, Russian Embassy had never had a similar activity. This will be a very interesting and very important event, then Ambassador Denisov will represent China's veteran President Vladimir Putin for the award. Currently there is a bilateral relationship embassy team, responsible for contacting these veterans, and invite them to participate in activities. Roman said that during the event, the Embassy will also host a "Manchurian · our common victory," the exhibition's opening ceremony called. The photo exhibition will be devoted to the history of Russian troops in northeastern China and Japan struggle.RIA Novosti reported that, in the fight against Nazi Germany and militarist Japan, on the occasion of the 70th anniversary of Russia will hold a joint celebration of about 60, which is the most important heads of state visits. 1st Denisov said that China and the Soviet people to the victory in World War II paid an unprecedented price, and therefore will not allow arbitrary interpretation and deliberate distortion of history.


 

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‘Assuredly,’ said Cennini; ‘you see there the Orators from France, Milan, and Venice, and behind them are English and German nobles; for it is customary that all foreign visitors of distinction pay their tribute to San Giovanni in the train of that gonfalon. For my part, I think our Florentine cavaliers sit their horses as well as any of those cut-and-thrust northerners, whose wits lie in their heels and saddles; and for yon Venetian, I fancy he would feel himself more at ease on the back of a dolphin. We ought to know something of horsemanship, for we excel all Italy in the sports of the Giostra,’ and the money we spend on them. But you will see a finer show of our chief men by-and-by, Melema; my brother himself will be among the officers of the Zecca.’



‘The banners are the better sight,’ said Piero di Cosimo, forgetting the noise in his delight at the winding stream of colour as the tributary standards advanced round the piazza. ‘The Florentine men are so-so; they make but a sorry show at this distance with their patch of sallow flesh-tint above the black garments; but those banners with their velvet, and satin, and minever, and brocade, and their endless play of delicate light and shadow! — Va! your human talk and doings are a tame jest; the only passionate life is in form and colour.’



‘Ay, Piero, if Satanasso could paint, thou wouldst sell thy soul to learn his secrets,’ said Nello. ‘But there is little likelihood of it, seeing the blessed angels themselves are such poor hands at chiaroscuro, if one may judge from their capo-d’opera, the Madonna Nunziata.’‘There go the banners of Pisa and Arezzo,’ said Cennini. ‘Ay, Messer Pisano, it is no use for you to look sullen; you may as well carry your banner to our San Giovanni with a good grace. “Pisans false, Florentines blind” — the second half of that proverb will hold no longer. There come the ensigns of our subject towns and signories, Melema; they will all be suspended in San Giovanni until this day next year, when they will give place to new ones.’

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FCSAFVS 发表评论: ( 2015-7-8 11:54:16 )
   

“Something that Nelly Trotter” (Trotting Nelly, as the company called her) “brought from a sketching gentleman that lives at the woman’s” (thus bluntly did the upstart minx describe the reverend Mrs. Margaret Dods) “at the Cleikum of Aultoun yonder”— A name, by the way, which the inn had acquired from the use which the saint upon the sign-post was making of his pastoral crook.



“Indeed, Dinah?” said Mr. Winterblossom, gravely taking out his spectacles, and wiping them before he opened the roll of paper; “some boy’s daubing, I suppose, whose pa and ma wish to get him into the Trustees’ School, and so are beating about for a little interest. — But I am drained dry — I put three lads in last season; and if it had not been my particular interest with the secretary, who asks my opinion now and then, I could not have managed it. But giff-gaff, say I. — Eh! What, in the devil’s name, is this? — Here is both force and keeping — Who can this be, my lady? — Do but see the sky-line — why, this is really a little bit — an exquisite little bit — Who the devil can it be? and how can he have stumbled upon the dog-hole in the Old Town, and the snarling b —— I beg your ladyship ten thousand pardons — that kennels there?”



“I dare say, my lady,” said a little miss of fourteen, her eyes growing rounder and rounder, and her cheeks redder and redder, as she found herself speaking, and so many folks listening —“O la! I dare say it is the same gentleman we met one day in the Low-wood walk, that looked like a gentleman, and yet was none of the company, and that you said was a handsome man.”



“I did not say handsome, Maria,” replied her ladyship; “ladies never say men are handsome — I only said he looked genteel and interesting.”



“And that, my lady,” said the young parson, bowing and smiling, “is, I will be judged by the company, the more flattering compliment of the two — We shall be jealous of this Unknown presently.”



“Nay, but,” continued the sweetly communicative Maria, with some real and some assumed simplicity, “your ladyship forgets — for you said presently after, you were sure he was no gentleman, for he did not run after you with your glove which you had dropped — and so I went back myself to find your ladyship’s glove, and he never offered to help me, and I saw him closer than your ladyship did, and I am sure he is handsome, though he is not very civil.”



“You speak a little too much and too loud, miss,” said Lady Penelope, a natural blush reinforcing the nuance of rouge by which it was usually superseded.



“What say you to that, Squire Mowbray?” said the elegant Sir Bingo Binks.



“A fair challenge to the field, Sir Bingo,” answered the squire; “when a lady throws down the gauntlet, a gentleman may throw the handkerchief.”

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crf123 发表评论: ( 2015-8-11 14:43:33 )
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