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最高人民法院常务副院长沈德咏大法官会见2014年度中国政府“友谊奖”获得者罗纳德•艾伦教授 
2014-10-8
时间:2014-10-08   来源:中国政法大学证据科学研究院
 
 
    9月30日上午,最高人民法院常务副院长、一级大法官沈德咏在京会见了荣获2014年度中国政府“友谊奖”获得者罗纳德•艾伦教授。沈德咏代表中国最高人民法院并以个人名义对艾伦教授获得中国政府“友谊奖”的殊荣表示热烈的祝贺。
    沈德咏说,十年来,艾伦教授积极参与中国司法文明和证据制度建设,为中国法治建设积极建言献策,作出了突出贡献,得到中国政府高度肯定。艾伦教授是国家社科基金重大项目《诉讼证据规定研究》的外国顾问,全程参与课题研究工作,提出了许多具有较高价值的意见和建议。
    沈德咏指出,中国历来高度重视法治建设。目前,中国正在积极稳妥推进新一轮司法体制改革,致力于建设公正高效权威的社会主义司法制度。证据乃正义之基础、诉讼之核心,这就决定了在推进法治建设中,无论将证据制度建设摆在何等重要位置都不为过。中国是成文法国家,证据法规范主要规定在三大诉讼法典及相关司法解释之中。改革开放35年来,特别是近些年来,中国立法、司法机关为完善证据制度、促进司法文明、保障司法公正作出了不懈努力。
    沈德咏表示,当前,经济全球化深入发展,国际交流不断深化,各国法律和司法制度在保持自身特色的同时,也在相互借鉴融合。中国法院在推进改革发展过程中,既要始终立足本国国情,又需要积极借鉴包括英美法系国家在内世界各国的有益经验和做法。艾伦教授是国际证据科学协会主席,是著名的证据法和诉讼法专家。希望艾伦教授一如既往为中国证据制度创新特别是《诉讼证据规定研究》项目研究献计出力。
    艾伦教授感谢沈德咏会见,表示将积极参与诉讼证据项目研究工作,同时愿意继续深化与中国法学理论与实务界的交流合作。
    中国政府“友谊奖”是为表彰在中国现代化建设中作出突出贡献的外国专家而设立的最高荣誉奖项。美国西北大学威格摩尔特座教授罗纳德•艾伦(Ronald J. Allen)受聘于中国政法大学,担任国家社科基金重大项目《诉讼证据规定研究》的外国顾问。在2014年度中国政府“友谊奖”中,罗纳德•艾伦是法学类唯一获奖者。
最高人民法院审判委员会专职委员、二级大法官胡云腾,国家司法文明协同创新中心联席主任、中国政法大学副校长张保生教授,最高人民法院外事局局长刘合华、中国应用法学研究所所长孙佑海等参加会见。
 
 
 
转载自中国政法大学证据科学研究院
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mbt sko 发表评论: ( 2014-11-12 11:24:14 )
    Ve agua azul saludando a su tigre verde!
Tigre Verde medio ve, el agua verde encontró que tenía quince Tigre Verde ya es un samurai seis, aunque no alcanzó el pináculo de los samurai seis, pero deje que la emoción de agua verde, la mitad del tiempo en realidad cambie tanto. No me esperaba no era optimista sobre el tigre verde también ha entrado en seis samurai!
El agua verde para ver tigre verde es así, por supuesto, muy feliz, habría sido incluso antes de la edad de dieciséis años guerrero tigre verde ingresar menos de seis años, el agua verde también se puede pensar en otras maneras de hacer la mayor fuerza en el futuro para ayudar a mejorar la reparación del tigre verde.
"Tigre verde, sí, después de una buena práctica, ya que se puede ir a la parte exterior del cielo más amplio."
"Hey, sonrisa tigre verde, cuerpo fornido y agua azul tan alto ahora, sólo se ve más robusto."
El agua verde del tigre verde sabe por qué el progreso tan rápido que debe ser porque los niños del humo de color azul, verde o tigre raro tan duro.
Las raíces de los problemas, una mujer puede hacer a un hombre que se había convertido, pero puede arruinar fácilmente a un hombre!
El agua verde en los ojos de un color complejo, pero al instante brilló, y otro reloj tigre verde ha sido restaurado como siempre cuando el agua verde.
Empujado a la multitud, el agua azul encontró realmente un montón de gente alrededor, único barrio verde saben algunas personas el agua azul, y el resto casi no sabían.
"Agua Verde Hermano, que es la casa azul Lanye!" Agua azul están buscando la multitud para ver si saben, o ser capaz de ver Qingyang dijo que varios fuerza extraordinaria, es escuchar las palabras de los tigres verdes, la reina hacia el Tigre Verde se refiere a la dirección miró.
Era un joven de unos veinte uno, altura, de pie directamente allí, y parecía perezoso, pero los ojos es muy atractivo, no el rodaje desnudo, ni frío ni contener asesina, sino una dedicación inquebrantable!
"Es un corazón como una roca, sus logros más que eso!" Esto se siente el agua azul, agua verde se puede ver la fuerza Lanye.
El agua verde no está claro, aunque al final lo que su propia fuerza, sino hasta que es más alto que estas personas deben ser más altos, pero para llegar al agua verde no está claro en qué estado, pero todavía hay cierta distancia de la innata que es segura.
El agua verde para ver Lanye de pie junto a una chica alta, niña grandes ojos miran brillantez, revelando un rastro de lo femenino, chal de pelo negro contra el telón de fondo de la piel más blanca, los pechos con orgullo como montañas se han desarrollado por completo, cintura estrecha delgadas, piernas delgadas, un par de botas blancas a llevar en ella una especie de estilo santo!
"No es de extrañar que poco Teem maestro debe poner sus manos en ella, el original realmente es una belleza!" Agua azul miró Lanye humo azul alrededor de los niños, mirando hacia atrás, Tigre Tigre Verde Verde ya ha descubierto que observando atentamente.
Tal vez sentía la mirada, los ojos grandes hermosos hijos de humo azul odian hay tan poco un poco de desdén mirada perpleja de aquí, cuando usted ve el agua azul es ligeramente vaciló, luego levantó el puño hacia el tigre verde.
Tigre Verde corazones amargo indescriptible, cuando los niños y niñas inolvidable primer amor ", su reventado el culo a la práctica, y, finalmente, el trabajo vale la pena, y ahora también está en la edad de quince años tuvo six samurai, y el otro es simplemente muy creciente brecha Un fluye naturalmente de la frustración ".
El agua verde aunque los novatos, pero este estado de ánimo sigue siendo tigre verde comprensible, después de todo, no las artes marciales de la época, el agua azul, se sienten demasiado, en comparación con el tigre verde ahora nada.
Desde el comienzo de agua verde se veía humo azul no se veía a un niño, aunque muy hermosa y división con armas ligeras, pero todavía un poco vacío, ¿Quién agua azul como madurar un poco hermana real, no sólo el cuerpo se ve maduro, sino también psicológicamente madura un poco, no les gusta el tipo a menudo cepillarse Johnson sólo necesita evacuar un poco de paciencia a una niña, incluso en mal acto lindo, pero también un poco de agua de vez en cuando verde mimada hermana real, inadvertidamente lindo, sin duda más que un poco de éxtasis chica.
Varias otras personas no ven, después de todo, al igual que el centro de la ciudad, al igual que la gente de todo el mundo, que sabe que algunas de la joven maestro o ninguna, hasta el deseo de ser encontrado aquí es muy difícil.
Agua azul y la licencia de tigre verde, seis meses han visto un montón de palabras que decir, después de todo, creció jugando en los dos grandes primos!
"Tigre Verde, el aprendizaje permanente, aún joven, aprender mucho, una mujer estas cosas, así que usted encontrará que habrá mucho más fuerte, y se sentirá mujer bonita antes de que no vale la pena mencionar."
El agua verde es fácil sentirse un centenar de kilómetros fuera de la ciudad, si la mujer es la formación, el temperamento, la vestimenta, los modales conversación que Barry Town Estas mujeres no saben cuánto más alto.
Mientras que todo lo que se estrelló con el dinero, sino que revela las encanto o menos hombres en tropel, pero quiere dar a luz a una hermosa hija también encontrar una esposa hermosa, ¿cuáles son las necesidades de un costo más bajo.
Por supuesto, la belleza natural, el personaje en sí es un temperamento agradable, hay demasiadas pocas personas, después de todo eso, no esperar a que otros a descubrir por sí mismos que se dragó Además Lolita ellos mismos no quieren que se utilizará cuando una mujer!
Verde agua Tigre Verde durante sorprendentes y diferentes ideas tales de la gente común, pero cada uno y el agua azul después de decir que mi corazón se sentirá un poco más fácil.
"Mañana de la lucha, hermano de agua verde que asistir?"
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Louis Vuitton 发表评论: ( 2014-11-27 15:06:01 )
    Have you thought about what you want people to say about you after you're gone? Can you hear the voice saying, "He was a great man." Or "She really will be missed." What else do they say?



One of the strangest phenomena of life is to engage in a work that

will last long after death. Isn't that a lot like investing all your money so that future generations can bare

interest on it? Perhaps,

yet if you look

deep in your own

heart, you'll find something

drives you to make

this kind of contribution

-- something drives every

human being to find

a purpose that lives

on after death.



Do you hope

to memorialize your name?

Have a name that

is whispered with reverent?????ϵģ?

awe? Do you hope

to have your face

carved upon 50 ft

of granite???????ң? rock? Is

the answer really that

simple? Is the purpose

of lifetime contribution an

ego-driven desire for a

mortal being to have

an immortal name or

is it something more?




A child

alive today will die

tomorrow. A baby that

had the potential to

be the next Einstein

will die from complication

is at birth. The

circumstances of life are

not set in stone.

We are not all

meant to live life

through to old age.

We've grown to perceive

life3 as a full

cycle with a certain

number of years in

between. If all of

those years aren't lived

out, it's a tragedy.

A tragedy because a

human's potential was never

realized. A tragedy because

a spark was snuffed

out before it ever

became a flame.



By virtue of

inhabiting a body we

accept these risks. We

expose our mortal flesh

to the laws of

the physical environment around

us. The trade off

isn't so bad when

you think about it.

The problem comes when

we construct mortal fantasies

of what life should

be like. When life

doesn't conform to our

fantasy we grow upset,

frustrated, or depressed.



We are alive;

let us live. We

have the ability to

experience; let us experience.

We have the ability

to learn; let us

learn. The meaning of

life can be grasped

in a moment. A

moment so brief it

often evades our perception.




What meaning

stands behind the dramatic

unfolding of life? What

single truth can we

grasp and hang onto

for dear life when

all other truths around

us seem to fade

with time?



These moments are strung

together in a series

we call events. These

events are strung together

in a series we

call life. When we

seize the moment and

bend it according to

our will, a will

driven by the spirit

deep inside us, then

we have discovered the meaning of life, a meaning for us that shall go on long after we depart this Earth.
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LED 发表评论: ( 2014-11-28 10:59:55 )
    Seamless switching, fill factor, refresh rate uniformity , 其实 Recently, the industry generally believe that this year will be an explosive growth year, 。Works on all ip LCD screen ,We is who.
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dd 发表评论: ( 2014-11-28 11:00:16 )
    Seamless switching, fill factor, refresh rate uniformity , 其实 Recently, the industry generally believe that this year will be an explosive growth year, 。Works on all ip LCD screen ,We is who.
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554 发表评论: ( 2014-12-27 13:51:34 )
   



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miss 发表评论: ( 2015-1-8 9:39:55 )
    It was only after the partition of Poland that Russia began to play a great part in Europe. To such statesmen as

she had then that act of brigandage must have appeared inspired by great political wisdom. The King of Prussia, faithful to the ruling principle of his life, wished simply to aggrandise his dominions at a much smaller cost and at much less risk than he could

have done in any other direction; for at that time Poland was perfectly defenceless from a material point of view, and more than ever, perhaps, inclined to put its faith in humanitarian illusions. Morally, the Republic was in a state of ferment and consequent weakness, which

so often accompanies the period of social reform. The strength arrayed against her was just then overwhelming; I mean the comparatively honest (because open) strength of armed forces. But, probably from innate inclination towards treachery, Frederick of Prussia selected for himself the part of falsehood and

deception. Appearing on the scene in the character of a friend he entered deliberately into a treaty of alliance with the Republic, and then, before the ink was dry, tore it up in brazen defiance of the commonest decency, which must have been extremely gratifying to

his natural tastes.

As to Austria, it shed diplomatic tears over the transaction. They cannot be called crocodile tears, insomuch that they were in a measure sincere. They arose from a vivid perception that Austria??s allotted share of the spoil could never compensate her for the accession

of strength and territory to the other two Powers. Austria did not really want an extension of territory at the cost of Poland. She could not hope to improve her frontier in that way, and economically she had no need of Galicia, a province whose natural

resources were undeveloped and whose salt mines did not arouse her cupidity because she had salt mines of her own. No doubt the democratic complexion of Polish institutions was very distasteful to the conservative monarchy; Austrian statesmen did see at the time that the real danger

to the principle of autocracy was in the West, in France, and that all the forces of Central Europe would be needed for its suppression. But the movement towards a partage on the part of Russia and Prussia was too definite to be resisted, and Austria

had to follow their lead in the destruction of a State which she would have preferred to preserve as a possible ally against Prussian and Russian ambitions. It may be truly said that the destruction of Poland secured the safety of the French Revolution. For when

in 1795 the crime was consummated, the Revolution had turned the corner and was in a state to defend itself against the forces of reaction.

In the second half of the eighteenth century there were two centres of liberal ideas on the continent of Europe: France and

Poland. On an impartial survey one may say without exaggeration that then France was relatively every bit as weak as Poland; even, perhaps, more so. But France??s geographical position made her much less vulnerable. She had no powerful neighbours on her frontier; a decayed Spain in

the south and a conglomeration of small German Principalities on the east were her happy lot. The only States which dreaded the contamination of the new principles and had enough power to combat it were Prussia, Austria, and Russia, and they had another centre of forbidden

ideas to deal with in defenceless Poland, unprotected by nature, and offering an immediate satisfaction to their cupidity. They made their choice, and the untold sufferings of a nation which would not die was the price exacted by fate for the triumph of revolutionary ideals.

Thus even

a crime may become a moral agent by the lapse of time and the course of history. Progress leaves its dead by the way, for progress is only a great adventure as its leaders and chiefs know very well in their hearts. It is a march

into an undiscovered country; and in such an enterprise the victims do not count. As an emotional outlet for the oratory of freedom it was convenient enough to remember the Crime now and then: the Crime being the murder of a State and the carving of

its body into three pieces. There was really nothing to do but to drop a few tears and a few flowers of rhetoric upon the grave. But the spirit of the nation refused to rest therein. It haunted the territories of the Old Republic in the

manner of a ghost haunting its ancestral mansion where strangers are making themselves at home; a calumniated, ridiculed, and pooh-pooh??d ghost, and yet never ceasing to inspire a sort of awe, a strange uneasiness, in the hearts of the unlawful possessors. Poland deprived of its independence,

of its historical continuity, with its religion and language persecuted and repressed, became a mere geographical expression. And even that, itself, seemed strangely vague, had lost its definite character, was rendered doubtful by the theories and the claims of the spoliators who, by a strange effect

of uneasy conscience, while strenuously denying the moral guilt of the transaction, were always trying to throw a veil of high rectitude over the Crime. What was most annoying to their righteousness was the fact that the nation, stabbed to the heart, refused to grow insensible

and cold. That persistent and almost uncanny vitality was sometimes very inconvenient to the rest of Europe also. It would intrude its irresistible claim into every problem of European politics, into the theory of European equilibrium, into the question of the Near East, the Italian question,

the question of Schleswig-Holstein, and into the doctrine of nationalities. That ghost, not content with making its ancestral halls uncomfortable for the thieves, haunted also the Cabinets of Europe, waved indecently its bloodstained robes in the solemn atmosphere of Council-rooms, where congresses and conferences sit with

closed windows. It would not be exorcised by the brutal jeers of Bismarck and the fine railleries of Gorchakov.

As a Polish friend observed to me some years ago: ??Till the year ??48 the Polish problem has been to a certain extent a convenient rallying-point for all

manifestations of liberalism. Since that time we have come to be regarded simply as a nuisance. It??s very disagreeable.??

I agreed that it was, and he continued: ??What are we to do? We did not create the situation by any outside action of ours. Through all the

centuries of its existence Poland has never been a menace to anybody, not even to the Turks, to whom it has been merely an obstacle.??

Nothing could be more true. The spirit of aggressiveness was absolutely foreign to the Polish temperament, to which the preservation of its

institutions and its liberties was much more precious than any ideas of conquest. Polish wars were defensive, and they were mostly fought within Poland??s own borders. And that those territories were often invaded was but a misfortune arising from its geographical position. Territorial expansion was never

the master-thought of Polish statesmen. The consolidation of the territories of the Serenissime Republic, which made of it a Power of the first rank for a time, was not accomplished by force. It was not the consequence of successful aggression, but of a long and successful

defence against the raiding neighbours from the East. The lands of Lithuanian and Ruthenian speech were never conquered by Poland. These peoples were not compelled by a series of exhausting wars to seek safety in annexation. It was not the will of a prince or a

political intrigue that brought about the union. Neither was it fear. The slowly-matured view of the economical and social necessities and, before all, the ripening moral sense of the masses were the motives that induced the forty three representatives of Lithuanian and Ruthenian provinces, led by

their paramount prince, to enter into a political combination unique in the history of the world, a spontaneous and complete union of sovereign States choosing deliberately the way of peace. Never was strict truth better expressed in a political instrument than in the preamble of the first union Treaty (1413). It begins with the words: ??This union, being the outcome not of hatred, but of love?? ?? words that Poles have not heard addressed to them politically by any nation

for the last hundred and fifty years.

This union being an organic, living thing capable of growth and development was, later, modified and confirmed by two other treaties, which guaranteed to all the parties in a just and eternal union all their rights, liberties, and respective institutions. The Polish State offers a singular instance of an extremely liberal administrative federalism which, in its Parliamentary life as well as its international politics, presented a

complete unity of feeling and purpose. As an eminent French diplomatist remarked many years ago: ??It is a very remarkable fact in the history of the Polish State, this invariable and unanimous consent of the populations; the more so that, the King being looked upon simply

as the chief of the Republic, there was no monarchical bond, no dynastic fidelity to control and guide the sentiment of the nations, and their union remained as a pure affirmation of the national will.?? The Grand Duchy of Lithuania and its Ruthenian Provinces retained their

statutes, their own administration, and their own political institutions. That those institutions in the course of time tended to assimilation with the Polish form was not the result of any pressure, but simply of the superior character of Polish civilisation.

Even after Poland lost its independence this

alliance and this union remained firm in spirit and fidelity. All the national movements towards liberation were initiated in the name of the whole mass of people inhabiting the limits of the old Republic, and all the Provinces took part in them with complete devotion. It

is only in the last generation that efforts have been made to create a tendency towards separation, which would indeed serve no one but Poland??s common enemies. And, strangely enough, it is the internationalists, men who professedly care nothing for race or country, who have set

themselves this task of disruption, one can easily see for what sinister purpose. The ways of the internationalists may be dark, but they are not inscrutable.

From the same source no doubt there will flow in the future a poisoned stream of hints of a reconstituted Poland

being a danger to the races once so closely associated within the territories of the Old Republic. The old partners in ??the Crime?? are not likely to forgive their victim its inconvenient and almost shocking obstinacy in keeping alive. They had tried moral assassination before and

with some small measure of success, for, indeed, the Polish question, like all living reproaches, had become a nuisance. Given the wrong, and the apparent impossibility of righting it without running risks of a serious nature, some moral alleviation may be found in the belief that

the victim had brought its misfortunes on its own head by its own sins. That theory, too, had been advanced about Poland (as if other nations had known nothing of sin and folly), and it made some way in the world at different times, simply because

good care was taken by the interested parties to stop the mouth of the accused. But it has never carried much conviction to honest minds. Somehow, in defiance of the cynical point of view as to the Force of Lies and against all the power of

falsified evidence, truth often turns out to be stronger than calumny. With the course of years, however, another danger sprang up, a danger arising naturally from the new political alliances dividing Europe into two armed camps. It was the danger of silence. Almost without exception the

Press of Western Europe in the twentieth century refused to touch the Polish question in any shape or form whatever. Never was the fact of Polish vitality more embarrassing to European diplomacy than on the eve of Poland??s resurrection.

When the war broke out there was something

gruesomely comic in the proclamations of emperors and archdukes appealing to that invincible soul of a nation whose existence or moral worth they had been so arrogantly denying for more than a century. Perhaps in the whole record of human transactions there have never been performances

so brazen and so vile as the manifestoes of the German Emperor and the Grand Duke Nicholas of Russia; and, I imagine, no more bitter insult has been offered to human heart and intelligence than the way in which those proclamations were flung into the face

of historical truth. It was like a scene in a cynical and sinister farce, the absurdity of which became in some sort unfathomable by the reflection that nobody in the world could possibly be so abjectly stupid as to be deceived for a single moment. At

that time, and for the first two months of the war, I happened to be in Poland, and I remember perfectly well that, when those precious documents came out, the confidence in the moral turpitude of mankind they implied did not even raise a scornful smile

on the lips of men whose most sacred feelings and dignity they outraged. They did not deign to waste their contempt on them. In fact, the situation was too poignant and too involved for either hot scorn or a coldly rational discussion. For the Poles it

was like being in a burning house of which all the issues were locked. There was nothing but sheer anguish under the strange, as if stony, calmness which in the utter absence of all hope falls on minds that are not constitutionally prone to despair. Yet

in this time of dismay the irrepressible vitality of the nation would not accept a neutral attitude. I was told that even if there were no issue it was absolutely necessary for the Poles to affirm their national existence. Passivity, which could be regarded as a

craven acceptance of all the material and moral horrors ready to fall upon the nation, was not to be thought of for a moment. Therefore, it was explained to me, the Poles must act. Whether this was a counsel of wisdom or not it is very

difficult to say, but there are crises of the soul which are beyond the reach of wisdom. When there is apparently no issue visible to the eyes of reason, sentiment may yet find a way out, either towards salvation or to utter perdition, no one can ## tell ?? and the sentiment does not even ask the question. Being there as a stranger in that tense atmosphere, which was yet not unfamiliar to me, I was not very anxious to parade my wisdom, especially after it had been pointed out in answer to

my cautious arguments that, if life has its values worth fighting for, death, too, has that in it which can make it worthy or unworthy.

Out of the mental and moral trouble into which the grouping of the Powers at the beginning of war had thrown the

counsels of Poland there emerged at last the decision that the Polish Legions, a peace organisation in Galicia directed by Pilsudski (afterwards given the rank of General, and now apparently the Chief of the Government in Warsaw), should take the field against the Russians. In reality

it did not matter against which partner in the ??Crime?? Polish resentment should be directed. There was little to choose between the methods of Russian barbarism, which were both crude and rotten, and the cultivated brutality tinged with contempt of Germany??s superficial, grinding civilisation. There was

nothing to choose between them. Both were hateful, and the direction of the Polish effort was naturally governed by Austria??s tolerant attitude, which had connived for years at the semi-secret organisation of the Polish Legions. Besides, the material possibility pointed out the way. That Poland should

have turned at first against the ally of Western Powers, to whose moral support she had been looking for so many years, is not a greater monstrosity than that alliance with Russia which had been entered into by England and France with rather less excuse and

with a view to eventualities which could perhaps have been avoided by a firmer policy and by a greater resolution in the face of what plainly appeared unavoidable.

For let the truth be spoken. The action of Germany, however cruel, sanguinary, and faithless, was nothing in the

nature of a stab in the dark. The Germanic Tribes had told the whole world in all possible tones carrying conviction, the gently persuasive, the coldly logical; in tones Hegelian, Nietzschean, war-like, pious, cynical, inspired, what they were going to do to the inferior races of

the earth, so full of sin and all unworthiness. But with a strange similarity to the prophets of old (who were also great moralists and invokers of might) they seemed to be crying in a desert. Whatever might have been the secret searching of hearts, the

Worthless Ones would not take heed. It must also be admitted that the conduct of the menaced Governments carried with it no suggestion of resistance. It was no doubt, the effect of neither courage nor fear, but of that prudence which causes the average man to

stand very still in the presence of a savage dog. It was not a very politic attitude, and the more reprehensible in so far that it seemed to arise from the mistrust of their own people??s fortitude. On simple matters of life and death a people

is always better than its leaders, because a people cannot argue itself as a whole into a sophisticated state of mind out of deference for a mere doctrine or from an exaggerated sense of its own cleverness. I am speaking now of democracies whose chiefs resemble

the tyrant of Syracuse in this, that their power is unlimited (for who can limit the will of a voting people?) and who always see the domestic sword hanging by a hair above their heads.

Perhaps a different attitude would have checked German self-confidence, and her overgrown

militarism would have died from the excess of its own strength. What would have been then the moral state of Europe it is difficult to say. Some other excess would probably have taken its place, excess of theory, or excess of sentiment, or an excess of

the sense of security leading to some other form of catastrophe; but it is certain that in that case the Polish question would not have taken a concrete form for ages. Perhaps it would never have taken form! In this world, where everything is transient, even

the most reproachful ghosts end by vanishing out of old mansions, out of men??s consciences. Progress of enlightenment, or decay of faith? In the years before the war the Polish ghost was becoming so thin that it was impossible to get for it the slightest mention

in the papers. A young Pole coming to me from Paris was extremely indignant, but I, indulging in that detachment which is the product of greater age, longer experience, and a habit of meditation, refused to share that sentiment. He had gone begging for a word

on Poland to many influential people, and they had one and all told him that they were going to do no such thing. They were all men of ideas and therefore might have been called idealists, but the notion most strongly anchored in their minds was

the folly of touching a question which certainly had no merit of actuality and would have had the appalling effect of provoking the wrath of their old enemies and at the same time offending the sensibilities of their new friends. It was an unanswerable argument. I

couldn??t share my young friend??s surprise and indignation. My practice of reflection had also convinced me that there is nothing on earth that turns quicker on its pivot than political idealism when touched by the breath of practical politics.

It would be good to remember that Polish

independence as embodied in a Polish State is not the gift of any kind of journalism, neither is it the outcome even of some particularly benevolent idea or of any clearly apprehended sense of guilt. I am speaking of what I know when I say that

the original and only formative idea in Europe was the idea of delivering the fate of Poland into the hands of Russian Tsarism. And, let us remember, it was assumed then to be a victorious Tsarism at that. It was an idea talked of openly, entertained

seriously, presented as a benevolence, with a curious blindness to its grotesque and ghastly character. It was the idea of delivering the victim with a kindly smile and the confident assurance that ??it would be all right?? to a perfectly unrepentant assassin, who, after sawing furiously

at its throat for a hundred years or so, was expected to make friends suddenly and kiss it on both cheeks in the mystic Russian fashion. It was a singularly nightmarish combination of international polity, and no whisper of any other would have been officially tolerated.

Indeed, I do not think in the whole extent of Western Europe there was anybody who had the slightest mind to whisper on that subject. Those were the days of the dark future, when Benckendorf put down his name on the Committee for the Relief of

Polish Populations driven by the Russian armies into the heart of Russia, when the Grand Duke Nicholas (the gentleman who advocated a St. Bartholomew??s Night for the suppression of Russian liberalism) was displaying his ??divine?? (I have read the very word in an English newspaper of

standing) strategy in the great retreat, where Mr. Iswolsky carried himself haughtily on the banks of the Seine; and it was beginning to dawn upon certain people there that he was a greater nuisance even than the Polish question.

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